Sunday, March 27, 2011

Mortuary Seascapes

So, basically I grew up with a mariner father, on a tiny island surrounded by the ocean; which I had to travel across every day to get to school. I spent my summers fishing and swimming on other tiny little islands where we owned a ramshackle cabin that we also had to boat too. The ocean is an important part of my heritage, and I've grown up eating salmon, prawns, mussels, clams, oysters, cod.. etc, harvesting seasonally and subsiding off of these natural resources.  Missing this lately, I've been thinking about other peoples and their mortuary practices in relation to the sea, and how incredibly essential it must be for some indigenous groups. How do archaeologists study the mortuary practices of past Saltwater Peoples? It must be incredibly difficult for archaeologists to study these constantly fluctuating seascapes so critical to some whose life and being revolves around the sea and therefore, their mortuary practices. How can sea burials be studied? I found some of my answers in "Saltwater Peoples: spiritscapes, maritime rituals and the Archaeology of Australian indigenous seascapes" by Ian J. McNivan (2003).

Torres Strait Islanders of northeastern Australia are marine specialists and are "one of the most marine-oriented and sea-life dependent indigenous societies on the planet" (McNiven 2003: 330). Their specialized environmental knowledge relates not only to the seasonal cycles and the ecology of plants and animals, but also long and short term weather and tidal cycles (McNivan 2003). Little research has been directed towards how marine specialists perceived the sea and conceptually constructed their seascapes, as most anthropologists have traditionally focused on terrestrial issues, even when coastal peoples have been studied (McNivan 2003).  Torres Strait Islands have an elaborate system of customary marine tenure operating at different scales of household, clan, island community and island group in their cultural area. Associations between Islander groups and reef systems (different tracks of the sea) are validated by creation myths and "oral deeds of title" (McNivan 2003).

Ethnographic information on Australia's indigenous Saltwater Peoples reveals a wide range of ritual sites associated with spiritual engagement with the sea (McNivan 2003). Most rituals attempted to form a sort of spiritual control over the elements and marine animals. Many ritual sites have an archaeological expression in the form of modified features such as the arrangement of stones, bones and shells(McNivan 2003). In some situations, the framework for some of these sites of stone arrangements are enigmatic without rich local oral testimony as to their reason (McNivan 2003). In the case of central Queensland stone arrangements (see Fig. 1), the features of some inter-tidal zone arrangements are inconsistent with those expected at fish-trapping facilities (McNivan 2003). These marine sites are made from small stones arranged in curvi-linear lines on late Holocene marine sands and muds in quiet backwater areas, usually behind mangrove forests near the upper high-water mark (McNivan 2003). While many of them incorporate characteristics of tidal fishtraps, they are unlikely to function simply as subsistence facilities (McNivan 2003). The reasoning for this is that their features face the wrong direction to trap fish, their stones are often spaced apart with no inter-linking walls able to trap fish, their stone features such as circles, cairns and complex mazes provide no technical aid to trap fish and the sites tend to be located near areas only especially large tides would reach; not conducive to capturing fish (McNivan 2003). For these reasons, it is thought that these areas are locations for sea burials, marking a new level of intimate contact with the sea and the way it was spiritually engaged with (McNivan 2003). McNican believes these sites were created to spiritually engage with local tidal waters and tidal forces that were critical to local Aboriginals (2003).

Monday, March 21, 2011

I Heart Vampires.

One of North America's newest Fantastical Vampire Series- True Blood



Well, I don't know about everyone else, but I loveeeee Vampire Lore. One of my favorite classes taken at UVic was History of Vampires (take it!) wherein we usually got to settle in and watch Vampire movies every Monday evening. So, for anyone who hasn't yet taken this class and might be equally adoring of the origins of Vampire Myth, here's a little interesting info on how the beliefs surrounding our societies favorite monsters were first created.

In European Legend, Vampires were usually reported as bloated in appearance, red, purplish or dark in color. These characteristics were usually attributed to the recent consumption of a human blood bevvy. When opening the coffin, if a corpse’s mouth was seeping any blood and its left eye was open, or if its teeth hair or nails may have slightly grown, you definitely had a vampire on your hands. 

In original folklore, there were countless ways to decree that a corpse or person was a vampire. If a dog, cat or really any animal jumped over a corpse you were in trouble. A body with a wound untreated with boiling water was also at risk. Those who might have rebelled against the Orthodox Church were also deemed both witches and vampires. 

To prevent a deceased loved one from returning from the dead to suck your blood, a corpse had to be buried upside-down and an earthly object placed near the grave to satisfy demons (scythes, wax crosses, pieces of pottery..). Other methods included severing the tendons or placing poppy seeds, millet, rice or sand on the ground so that the Vampire would be too occupied counting the number of these to rise up and attack the living. Often you could identify these vampires by leading a virgin boy through a graveyard on the back of a virgin stallion, and where the horse (usually a black horse was required, but in Albania it had to be white) balked at a grave, therein lay the vampire.

As you may have already guessed, a lot of the vampire beliefs resulted from people of early societies attempting to explain the natural but to them, inexplicable, process of death and decomposition. Vampire hunters would mistakenly interpret different signs of decomposition as signs of continued life. Often corpses swell as gases from decomposition accumulate, and will make a corpse seem plumper, healthy and red cheeked. In addition, the exuding blood from the mouth, giving the impression of a freshly fed vampire, is generally the result of the body bleeding by force of the accumulated gases in the body. In addition to this, premature burials may have often occurred in these early times, as it was often reported that sounds would be heard coming from coffins and when later dug up, fingernail marks discovered on the inside from the victim trying to escape. As well, vampires were associated with unidentifiable or mysterious illnesses. Rabies victims, in fact, are quite hypersensitive to garlic and light, more sexual, and certain portions of their brains are often affected which disturb normal sleep patterns. 


Since even 1922, Vampires have been a intriguing part of Cinema; Nosferatu.

Nosferatu is my fave!



http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vampire#Folk_beliefs

Friday, March 18, 2011

The Towers of Silence


The Towers of Silence originate from the Zoroastrian tradition which considers dead bodies unclean. To avoid the pollution of earth or fire, the bodies of the dead are placed on the top of a tower. Exposed to birds of prey and the elements, the bodies are purified and their contaminants removed of evils.

The towers are fairly uniform in their construction with slightly tilted flat roof as the outside perimeter is a touch higher than the center. The roof is divided into three concentric rings: The bodies of men are arranged around the outer ring, women in the second circle, and children in the innermost ring. Once the bones have been bleached by the sun and wind, which can take as long as a year, they are collected in an ossuary pit at the center of the tower.  Assisted by lime, they gradually decompose and the remaining material with the assistance of run-off rainwater travels through a multiple coal and sand filter system before being eventually washed out to sea. The ritual area may be entered only by a special class of ritual specialists.

In Parsi Zoastrian tradition, exposure of the dead is additionally considered to be an individual's final act of charity as well, providing the birds with what would otherwise be destroyed.

Today in India, these buildings are still situated near urban populations but separated by forest gardens.

 Sounds like a sustainable practice to me... feed the endangered birds (in India populations of birds of prey have substantially declined due to the introduction  of diclofenac for livestock, poisoning many species), compost the ground and return to the sea; avoiding both taking up valuable space and spreading disease.

The more I look into other cultures mortuary rituals, the more unsatisfactory my families traditional one appears to me. Too many options... although, Parsi are pretty exclusive about who has the right to be disposed of in these towers. I might have to build my own tower and I would be lonely; maybe I could start a new trend in Canada? I don't know that the decomposition rates would be nearly as fast here though...

Zorastrianism: The Religion of the Good Life R Masani - 2005 - Genesis Publishing Pvt Ltd


Sunday, March 13, 2011

Reunited At Last




 In the News


A married couple from Pompeii were finally brought back together with the recovery of a missing piece of a 2000 year old marble puzzle made from inscribed fragments. Broken during the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 A.D., the pieces once belonged to a tomb inscription and were recently brought back  together. 

In 1813 they were unearthed and stored in huge deposits at the national Archaeological Museum of Napes. Later when the six pieces were reassembled, three were translated to refer to  "Lucius Caltilius Pamphilus, freedman of Lucius, member of the Collinian tribe," and two fragments contained the Latin word "uxori," indicating a wife.

Kruschwitz and Campbell identified the missing spouse by scrutinizing photographs of various fragments of inscriptions stored at the Naples museum. Until now the missing piece was at the same museum but not recognized as part of the same marble inscription. Containing nothing but the name of a female -- Servilia -- and the first part of a phrase, the fragment reads: "Seruiliae [...] amico anim [o ...]."

Although there are some other small pieces missing, the inscription is now legible and reads: "Lucius Catilius Pamphilus, freedman of Lucius, member of the Collinian tribe, for his wife Servilia, in a loving spirit."

After spending nearly 2,000 years apart, Lucius Catilius Pamphilus and Servilia were finally reunited.

"What makes the story so beautiful is the way the inscription was fragmented, with the name of the wife separated of that of the man, and the 'in a loving spirit' bit left with the wife's fragment," Kruschwitz told Discovery News.
  
Clearly an outsider to the Pompeian establishment, Caltilius Pamphilus was a former slave who took great pride in his status demonstrated through his choice of displaying his tribal affiliations in the inscription.

The Caltilii family became fairly powerful at a slightly later phase of Pompeii, under the rule of Nero. It has been alleged that an esteemed political leader known as Quintus Coelius Caltilius Iustus,  of 52/53 A.D. was indeed the child of this couple. 



I adore a good archaeological love story <3. 


Link: http://news.discovery.com/archaeology/pompeii-vesuvius-inscription-110307.html  

Friday, March 11, 2011

Kabayan Mummies


Early in the semester Erin asked us about any mummies we've visited in the past, and  I commented that earlier last year I had been to the Philippines and there I had seen the Kabayan mummies of Luzon. She remarked that she hadn't yet heard of them so I've decided to share a little of the information that I learned during my time with these incredibly interesting mummies.

A woman.
A child.

The journey to Kabayan in the Benguet Province of the Cordillera Mountain Ranges of northern Luzon is an off the beaten track, long and bumpy, cramped 7 hour bus ride.

Kabayan is a large center of Ibaloi Culture, whose people have a long traditional practice of mummifying their dead. Individuals from the higher social stratification of the Ibaloi were once mummified through a long ritual process utilizing salt and herbs and set under fire and smoked, taking up to two years.
When the body is finally rid of its fluids, the mummy is placed inside a pinewood coffin and laid to rest in a man-made cave or niche dug-out from solid rock.

So, we took a 5 hour jeep up the side of this intimidatingly precarious mountain to visit the esteemed mummies of the caves, broke down 3 times and ended up hiking half the way. Once we reached them, as the dead can sometimes make you feel, I felt both a little uncomfortable about going to visit this amazingly, albeit kindof creepily well-preserved mummy sanctuary yet appreciative all at the same time.

I also felt very weird and touristy about the photos I took of them, and still feel bizarre about having them on my computer. It seems too intimate and almost intrusive to have photos of the dead that I had no real relationship with. On the other hand, to actually experience being in the presence of these mummies is a once in a life time encouter that I also treasure. The rule for any tourist is that they can only take 2 photos in their time visiting the mummies. These mummies are hardly experienced by tourists as they are well protected and in a fairly remote location of their original heritage.

I'd like to share my photos with everyone, since we're all in an Anthropology of Death class and I'm sure you've experienced the same feelings I'm trying to convey and will appreciate them as well.

Wednesday, March 2, 2011

The Aghori Ascetics


 So.. earlier today I was contemplating my reasoning for being cremated and having my ashes potentially flown to India and scattered in The Ganga. This had me postulating on what archaeological evidence would be left in Varanasi in the future. People travel long distances to die in this city and hundreds are cremated daily at the ghats, yet, I would simplistically assume there is most likely little physical evidence of this enormous practice. 

While parousing such information, I landed on the fieldwork of Jonathon Parry. While doing his ethnography in Varanasi, he studied the rare and secret practices of 15 Aghori who lived on the cremation grounds.

Aghori are a small sect of renouncers who live intimately with death, corpses and the cremation ground so that they can liberate themselves from the cycle of death and rebirth.

The Aghori travel naked, or clothed in shrouds taken from corpses, smear their bodies with ash from the pyres, consume food out of a human skull (that is their constant companion), wear necklaces made of human bones and perform their rituals of worship sitting upon corpses. O
ne Aghori was known to have "built an entire wall of his hut out of skulls."  They have been persistently associated with human sacrifice.

A "true" Aghori is indifferent to what he consumes and lives as a scavenger in the cremation grounds consuming urine, excrement vomit and the putrid flesh of corpses (side note: case study!).

The Aghori are believed to have supernatural powers; they can make water flow from their dreadlocks, cure the sick, raise the dead and control malevolent ghosts.

Aghori are not cremated but sunk in the Ganges when they die.

I found this practice of mortuary ritual incredibly fascinating, and wondered how archaeologists of the future might be interpret these practices; would they be able to comprehend that the modifications of skulls for drinking as a form of respect for the dead? How would one decipher "extreme" rituals? Would they simply designate this custom to cannibalistic affinities?

As always,  it is essential to remember that "interpreting" past practices such as cannibalism is very complicated and fraught with difficulties for archaeologists; as exemplified by the complex ritual traditions of contemporary societies.




Death in Banaras by Jonathan Perry:
http://books.google.ca/books?hl=en&lr=&id=r10f4uwzcosC&oi=fnd&pg=PR11&dq=Jonathan+Parry+Death+in+Banaras&ots=JhsjjC64GP&sig=MKKgt7hYFSiKkS0VcFIurHpzFf0#v=onepage&q&f=false